Thursday, June 30, 2011

Ahead of Tomorrow's Constitutional Referendum



Back from Tunisia where I was a guest observer at the Board meeting of the Foundation of the Future (this will be subject to a future blog post). Tunisia's post revolutionary experience is under way with its ups and downs. The first day I was there, my friend went to the movie theater to watch Nadia el Fani's "Ni dieu, ni Maitre," (Neither God, nor Master) where she was assaulted by so called Salafis. Nevertheless, Tunisia has started a progressive movement towards change. However, my mind is with Morocco ahead of the constitutional referendum tomorrow. I have made my position clear in previous posts. This one includes a couple of pictures I took and a wishful thought the referendum was about meaningful reforms.

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Monday, June 27, 2011

In post-revolutionary Tunisia.

I am in Tunisia where the atmosphere is cautious but optimistic. This is a new reinvigorated society inspired by ideals of freedom, human rights and democratic governance. Gone are all of the cult personalistic and ubiquitous portraits and pictures of deposed dictator Ben 'Ali. Instead, walls and streets are adorned by revolutionary graffiti and names of martyrs killed in the street demonstrations against the ancien regime. Many Tunisians are cognizant of the historical moment they have initiated in the Arab world. As the spark that ignited the wave of the Arab spring, Tunisia could stand as a model for post-revolutionary peaceful transitional politics.

While many are apprehensive of this or that group, namely the Islamists, Tunisians I spoke to feel empowered. Tunisians in the souks, cafes, taxicabs and streets has left a positive impression of reserved jubilance. Many have welcomed me to the "new Tunisia," and the "Tunisia in revolution." visiting the Qasba and the Avenue Bourguiba were truly inspiring, but made me think of elsewhere in the Arab world, where protests have not resulted in regime change. As the Arab spring turns slowly into summer, Tunisia gears up for the elections for the constituent assembly originally set for July, but recently postponed until October 23rd. Tunisians and Egyptians fare a lot better than their counterparts in Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, and Morocco

Morocco, for instance, has a date with a constitutional referendum for which everyone knows the result. Especially after the state-orchestrated marches on Sunday and the ever present billboards calling for citizen participation on July 1st. There has also been no media space allowed for any movement calling for either a "no" vote or boycott of the referendum. Moroccan TV has purposefully alienated those opposition movements and engaged in mere propaganda for a "yes" vote. So on Friday, change will take place on paper and Morocco will have a new constitution, but it will not serve the cause of democratic change. In this sense, Morocco perfectly fits the old French adage: "plus ça change, plus ça reste le même."

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Sunday, June 12, 2011

Whither the Monarchy in Morocco?

Just a couple of days in Morocco and all of the discussions I have had so far center around the February 20 movement and the issue of constitutional reforms. The movement engenders different reactions from people and there is no consensus on their aims and mission for change (this will be the subject of separate analysis in future blog entries). So many Moroccans, however, are in anticipation of the commission for constitutional revisions' final report and recommendations. The commission was set up after the royal address of March 9th to elicit proposals from a wide array of groups and individuals in Morocco's political scene and civil society.


On Tuesday, the head of the commission Abdelatif Mennouni and royal adviser Mohammed Mou'tassim met King Mohammed VI to present the results of three months of discussions on changes to the constitution. A first reading of an alleged leaked draft said proposals to the constitution suggests slight linguistic and style revisions in several articles, but insufficient deep institutional/structural changes. The most important change in the purported draft is the omission of the reference to the sanctity of the monarch. The king is still inviolable and will retain full control over the military and religions realms as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and amir al-mu'minin (Arabic: أمير المؤمنين-commander of the faithful).

The office of the prime minister is expected to receive a complete make-over. The new PM will have vast executive and appointment powers, except in the military and the religious fields. The PM will control the government and its cabinet portfolios, save for the ministry of religious affairs, which will be reserved to the king. The PM will also appoint ambassadors, governors and heads of the various state agencies. The parliament will expand its law-making powers to more than 40 areas of policy-making. Finally the constitutional court will assume original jurisdiction opening its gates directly to the people, who could challenge the constitutionality of any law.

On the surface these projected changes to the constitution present significant modifications to the contours of the political system and regime. They reduce the vast powers of the monarch. If passed by the electorate (which is largely expected), the monarchy will effectively set itself a sphere higher than the travails of the political fray in Morocco. In essence, the monarchical institution devolves some of its powers to the elected bodies of the people in the executive and legislative branches, and at the same time, setting the judiciary a step further towards autonomy.

These are incremental changes that won't satisfy those, notably the kitchen sink that is Feb 20 movement, looking for radical transformation of the political system to a complete electoral, representative constitutional monarchy. For one, the monarchy still retains its all ubiquitous discretionary powers of Dahir (Arabic: الظهير-Royal decree), which in effect could suspend the law-making function of the legislative body of the parliament. Similarly, monarchical prerogative in dissolving the parliament and the government, albeit this time with the consent of the government, limits the principle of separation of powers.

More importantly, the constitution does not and cannot address other aspects of direly needed reforms. Of particular interest are the kleptocracy and nepotism in the Moroccan administration and economy. No matter how inchoate they are, institutional reforms have to be complemented with stringent guarantees against abuse of power, corruption and inequality of the laws. Individual freedom and liberty of the press are guaranteed in the constitution, but have to be safeguarded from the abuses of the state. The kingdom has for the most part engaged in an irreversible course of change, gradual as it may be today, but the biggest challenge in the future is to enable real socio-economic reforms. The pace of reforms may be slow, but could well be sped up by constant pressure from an increasingly restless society.

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Thursday, June 9, 2011

UPDATE: Rachid Nini Sentenced to Jail

An update: a few post ago, I commented on the case of columnist Rachid Nini accused of "offense against national and the security of citizens." Today, the journalist has been sentenced to one year in jail and a fine of 1,000 DHs (around US $128). This is another sad day for freedom of the press in Morocco and a further negative signal pointing to the state intentions to stifle any impulse for the liberty of expression.



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